“There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics”, goes the adage popularized by author Mark Twain.
Most people take for granted that numbers can be persuasive — just take a look at your bank balance. Also, most accept the notion that data can be used, misused, misinterpreted, re-interpreted and distorted to support or counter almost any argument. Just listen to a politician quote polling numbers and then hear an opposing politician make a contrary argument using the very same statistics. Or, better still, familiarize yourself with pseudo-science of economics.
Authors Kenneth Cukier (data editor for The Economist) and Viktor Mayer-Schönberger (professor of Internet governance) examine this phenomenon in their book Big Data: A Revolution That Will Transform How We Live, Work, and Think. They eloquently present the example of Robert McNamara, U.S. defense secretary during the Vietnam war, who in(famously) used his detailed spreadsheets — including daily body count — to manage and measure progress. Following the end of the war, many U.S. generals later described this over-reliance on numbers as misguided dictatorship that led many to make ill-informed decisions — based solely on numbers — and to fudge their figures.
This classic example leads them to a timely and important caution: as the range and scale of big data becomes ever greater, and while it may offer us great benefits, it can and will be used to mislead.
From Technology review:
Big data is poised to transform society, from how we diagnose illness  to how we educate children, even making it possible for a car to drive  itself. Information is emerging as a new economic input, a vital  resource. Companies, governments, and even individuals will be measuring  and optimizing everything possible.
But there is a dark side. Big data erodes privacy. And when it is  used to make predictions about what we are likely to do but haven’t yet  done, it threatens freedom as well. Yet big data also exacerbates a very  old problem: relying on the numbers when they are far more fallible  than we think. Nothing underscores the consequences of data analysis  gone awry more than the story of Robert McNamara.
McNamara was a numbers guy. Appointed the U.S. secretary of defense  when tensions in Vietnam rose in the early 1960s, he insisted on getting  data on everything he could. Only by applying statistical rigor, he  believed, could decision makers understand a complex situation and make  the right choices. The world in his view was a mass of unruly  information that—if delineated, denoted, demarcated, and  quantified—could be tamed by human hand and fall under human will.  McNamara sought Truth, and that Truth could be found in data. Among the  numbers that came back to him was the “body count.”
McNamara developed his love of numbers as a student at Harvard  Business School and then as its youngest assistant professor at age 24.  He applied this rigor during the Second World War as part of an elite  Pentagon team called Statistical Control, which brought data-driven  decision making to one of the world’s largest bureaucracies. Before  this, the military was blind. It didn’t know, for instance, the type,  quantity, or location of spare airplane parts. Data came to the rescue.  Just making armament procurement more efficient saved $3.6 billion in  1943. Modern war demanded the efficient allocation of resources; the  team’s work was a stunning success.
At war’s end, the members of this group offered their skills to  corporate America. The Ford Motor Company was floundering, and a  desperate Henry Ford II handed them the reins. Just as they knew nothing  about the military when they helped win the war, so too were they  clueless about making cars. Still, the so-called “Whiz Kids” turned the  company around.
McNamara rose swiftly up the ranks, trotting out a data point for  every situation. Harried factory managers produced the figures he  demanded—whether they were correct or not. When an edict came down that  all inventory from one car model must be used before a new model could  begin production, exasperated line managers simply dumped excess parts  into a nearby river. The joke at the factory was that a fellow could  walk on water—atop rusted pieces of 1950 and 1951 cars.
McNamara epitomized the hyper-rational executive who relied on  numbers rather than sentiments, and who could apply his quantitative  skills to any industry he turned them to. In 1960 he was named president  of Ford, a position he held for only a few weeks before being tapped to  join President Kennedy’s cabinet as secretary of defense.
As the Vietnam conflict escalated and the United States sent more  troops, it became clear that this was a war of wills, not of territory.  America’s strategy was to pound the Viet Cong to the negotiation table.  The way to measure progress, therefore, was by the number of enemy  killed. The body count was published daily in the newspapers. To the  war’s supporters it was proof of progress; to critics, evidence of its  immorality. The body count was the data point that defined an era.
McNamara relied on the figures, fetishized them. With his perfectly  combed-back hair and his flawlessly knotted tie, McNamara felt he could  comprehend what was happening on the ground only by staring at a  spreadsheet—at all those orderly rows and columns, calculations and  charts, whose mastery seemed to bring him one standard deviation closer  to God.
In 1977, two years after the last helicopter lifted off the rooftop  of the U.S. embassy in Saigon, a retired Army general, Douglas Kinnard,  published a landmark survey called The War Managers that  revealed the quagmire of quantification. A mere 2 percent of America’s  generals considered the body count a valid way to measure progress. “A  fake—totally worthless,” wrote one general in his comments. “Often  blatant lies,” wrote another. “They were grossly exaggerated by many  units primarily because of the incredible interest shown by people like  McNamara,” said a third.
Read the entire article after the jump.
Image: Robert McNamara at a cabinet meeting, 22 Nov 1967. Courtesy of Wikipedia / Public domain.